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"This country and this people seem to have been made for eachother, and it appears as if it was the design of Providence, thatan inheritance so proper and convenient for a band of brethren ...should never be split into a number of unsocial, jealous, and aliensovereignties." So wrote John Jay, one of the revolutionary authorsof The Federalist Papers, arguing that if the United States wastruly to be a single nation, its leaders would have to agree onuniversally binding rules of governance--in short, a constitution.In a brilliant set of essays, Jay and his colleagues AlexanderHamilton and James Madison explored in minute detail theimplications of establishing a kind of rule that would engage asmany citizens as possible and that would include a system of checksand balances. Their arguments proved successful in the end, and TheFederalist Papers stand as key documents in the founding of theUnited States. --This text refers to an alternate Mass MarketPaperback edition.
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Amazon.com Review 
"This country and this people seem to have been made for each
other, and it appears as if it was the design of Providence, that
an inheritance so proper and convenient for a band of brethren ...
should never be split into a number of unsocial, jealous, and alien
sovereignties." So wrote John Jay, one of the revolutionary authors
of The Federalist Papers, arguing that if the United States was
truly to be a single nation, its leaders would have to agree on
universally binding rules of governance--in short, a constitution.
In a brilliant set of essays, Jay and his colleagues Alexander
Hamilton and James Madison explored in minute detail the
implications of establishing a kind of rule that would engage as
many citizens as possible and that would include a system of checks
and balances. Their arguments proved successful in the end, and The
Federalist Papers stand as key documents in the founding of the
United States. --This text refers to an alternate Mass Market
Paperback edition. 
Review 
UPDATED!!! THE MOST POPULAR KINDLE USER GUIDE JUST GOT BETTER! THE
GUIDE EXPLAINS: 
- Keyboard shortcuts 
- Kindle hidden features such as the preinstalled games Minesweeper
and Five in a Row 
- List of Kindle-friendly websites that saves you time typing in
long URL addresses 
- How to email from Kindle 
- How to download thousands of free eBooks 
- How to convert your documents to Kindle format 
- How to search the internal dictionary, Wikipedia, and the
Internet 
- Shortcuts to Kindle audio player 
- How to use text-to-speech Kindle feature 
- How to choose the default dictionary 
- How to use Kindle as a calculator 
- How to Display the Time and Free Memory 
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内容简介

ENDURING LITERATURE ILLUMINATED
BY PRACTICAL SCHOLARSHIP

Alexander Hamilton, James Madison, and John Jay's brilliant and controversial collection of essays and articles that define and explain the ideals upon which the United States of America was founded.

EACH ENRICHED CLASSIC EDITION INCLUDES:
? A concise introduction that gives readers important background information

? A chronology of the author's life and work

? A timeline of significant events that provides the book's historical context

? An outline of key themes and plot points to help readers form their own interpretations

? Detailed explanatory notes

? Critical analysis, including contemporary and modern perspectives on the work

? Discussion questions to promote lively classroom and book group interaction

? A list of recommended related books and films to broaden the reader's experience

Enriched Classics offer readers affordable editions of great works of literature enhanced by helpful notes and insightful commentary. The scholarship provided in Enriched Classics enables readers to appreciate, understand, and enjoy the world's finest books to their full potential.
SERIES EDITED BY CYNTHIA BRANTLEY JOHNSON

作者简介

Ian Shapiro is Sterling Professor of Political Science at Yale University and Henry R. Luce Director of the MacMillan Center for International and Area Studies. His many books include Democratic Justice and The Moral Foundations of Politics, both published by Yale University Press. He lives in Guilford, CT.

媒体评论

If I could expose my school-age children to only one audiobook series, the Audio Classics Series would be it. The approach is always the same: A skilled narrator lays out the subject in concise, nicely written phrases; actors interspersed play the parts of luminaries of the tale. Every actor in The Federalist Papers is believable, playing parts such as George Washington, Gouveneur Morris and Thomas Paine, among many others. These learning experiences are some of the best among audio adaptations. D.W.

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October 27, 1787
To the People of the State of New York.
After an unequivocal experience of the inefficacy of thesubsisting Federal Government, you are called upon to deliberate ona new Constitution for the United States of America. The subjectspeaks its own importance; comprehending in its consequences,nothing less than the existence of the Union, the safety andwelfare of the parts of which it is composed, the fate of anempire, in many respects, the most interesting in the world. It hasbeen frequently remarked, that it seems to have been reserved tothe people of this country, by their conduct and example, to decidethe important question, whether societies of men are really capableor not, of establishing good government from reflection and choice,or whether they are forever destined to depend, for their politicalconstitutions, on accident and force. If there be any truth in theremark, the crisis, at which we are arrived, may with propriety beregarded as the ?ra in which that decision is to be made; and awrong election of the part we shall act, may, in this view, deserveto be considered as the general misfortune of mankind.
This idea will add the inducements of philanthropy to those ofpatriotism to heighten the solicitude, which all considerate andgood men must feel for the event. Happy will it be if our choiceshould be directed by a judicious estimate of our true interests,unperplexed and unbiassed by considerations not connected with thepublic good. But this is a thing more ardently to be wished thanseriously to be expected. The plan offered to our deliberations,affects too many particular interests, innovates upon too manylocal institutions, not to involve in its discussion a variety ofobjects foreign to its merits, and of views, passions andprejudices little favourable to the discovery of truth.
Among the most formidable of the obstacles which the newConstitution will have to encounter, may readily be distinguishedthe obvious interest of a certain class of men in every State toresist all changes which may hazard a diminution of the power,emolument and consequence of the offices they hold under theState-establishments-and the perverted ambition of another class ofmen, who will either hope to aggrandise themselves by theconfusions of their country, or will flatter themselves with fairerprospects of elevation from the subdivision of the empire intoseveral partial confederacies, than from its union under onegovernment.

October 27, 1787
To the People of the State of New York.
After an unequivocal experience of the inefficacy of the
subsisting Federal Government, you are called upon to deliberate on
a new Constitution for the United States of America. The subject
speaks its own importance; comprehending in its consequences,
nothing less than the existence of the Union, the safety and
welfare of the parts of which it is composed, the fate of an
empire, in many respects, the most interesting in the world. It has
been frequently remarked, that it seems to have been reserved to
the people of this country, by their conduct and example, to decide
the important question, whether societies of men are really capable
or not, of establishing good government from reflection and choice,
or whether they are forever destined to depend, for their political
constitutions, on accident and force. If there be any truth in the
remark, the crisis, at which we are arrived, may with propriety be
regarded as the ?ra in which that decision is to be made; and a
wrong election of the part we shall act, may, in this view, deserve
to be considered as the general misfortune of mankind.
This idea will add the inducements of philanthropy to those of
patriotism to heighten the solicitude, which all considerate and
good men must feel for the event. Happy will it be if our choice
should be directed by a judicious estimate of our true interests,
unperplexed and unbiassed by considerations not connected with the
public good. But this is a thing more ardently to be wished than
seriously to be expected. The plan offered to our deliberations,
affects too many particular interests, innovates upon too many
local institutions, not to involve in its discussion a variety of
objects foreign to its merits, and of views, passions and
prejudices little favourable to the discovery of truth.
Among the most formidable of the obstacles which the new
Constitution will have to encounter, may readily be distinguished
the obvious interest of a certain class of men in every State to
resist all changes which may hazard a diminution of the power,
emolument and consequence of the offices they hold under the
State-establishments-and the perverted ambition of another class of
men, who will either hope to aggrandise themselves by the
confusions of their country, or will flatter themselves with fairer
prospects of elevation from the subdivision of the empire into
several partial confederacies, than from its union under one
government.
It is not, however, my design to dwell upon observations of this
nature. I am well aware that it would be disingenuous to resolve
indiscriminately the opposition of any set of men (merely because
their situations might subject them to suspicion) into interested
or ambitious views: Candour will oblige us to admit, that even such
men may be actuated by upright intentions; and it cannot be doubted
that much of the opposition which has made its appearance, or may
hereafter make its appearance, will spring from sources, blameless
at least, if not respectable, the honest errors of minds led astray
by preconceived jealousies and fears. So numerous indeed and so
powerful are the causes, which serve to give a false bias to the
judgment, that we upon many occasions, see wise and good men on the
wrong as well as on the right side of questions, of the first
magnitude to society. This circumstance, if duly attended to, would
furnish a lesson of moderation to those, who are ever so much
persuaded of their being in the right, in any controversy. And a
further reason for caution, in this respect, might be drawn from
the reflection, that we are not always sure, that those who
advocate the truth are influenced by purer principles than their
antagonists. Ambition, avarice, personal animosity, party
opposition, and many other motives, not more laudable than these,
are apt to operate as well upon those who support as upon those who
oppose the right side of a question. Were there not even these
inducements to moderation, nothing could be more illjudged than
that intolerant spirit, which has, at all times, characterised
political parties. For, in politics as in religion, it is equally
absurd to aim at making proselytes by fire and sword. Heresies in
either can rarely be cured by persecution.
And yet however just these sentiments will be allowed to be, we
have already sufficient indications, that it will happen in this as
in all former cases of great national discussion. A torrent of
angry and malignant passions will be let loose. To judge from the
conduct of the opposite parties, we shall be led to conclude, that
they will mutually hope to evince the justness of their opinions,
and to increase the number of their converts by the loudness of
their declamations, and by the bitterness of their invectives. An
enlightened zeal for the energy and efficiency of government will
be stigmatized, as the off-spring of a temper fond of despotic
power and hostile to the principles of liberty. An overscrupulous
jealousy of danger to the rights of the people, which is more
commonly the fault of the head than of the heart, will be
represented as mere pretence and artifice; the bait for popularity
at the expence of public good. It will be forgotten, on the one
hand, that jealousy is the usual concomitant of violent love, and
that the noble enthusiasm of liberty is too apt to be infected with
a spirit of narrow and illiberal distrust. On the other hand, it
will be equally forgotten, that the vigour of government is
essential to the security of liberty; that, in the contemplation of
a sound and well informed judgment, their interest can never be
separated; and that a dangerous ambition more often lurks behind
the specious mask of zeal for the rights of the people, than under
the forbidding appearance of zeal for the firmness and efficiency
of government. History will teach us, that the former has been
found a much more certain road to the introduction of despotism,
than the latter, and that of those men who have overturned the
liberties of republics the greatest number have begun their career,
by paying an obsequious court to the people, commencing Demagogues
and ending Tyrants.
In the course of the preceeding observations I have had an eye,
my Fellow Citizens, to putting you upon your guard against all
attempts, from whatever quarter, to influence your decision in a
matter of the utmost moment to your welfare by any impressions
other than those which may result from the evidence of truth. You
will, no doubt, at the same time, have collected from the general
scope of them that they proceed from a source not unfriendly to the
new Constitution. Yes, my Countrymen, I own to you, that, after
having given it an attentive consideration, I am clearly of
opinion, it is your interest to adopt it. I am convinced, that this
is the safest course for your liberty, your dignity, and your
happiness. I effect not reserves, which I do not feel. I will not
amuse you with an appearance of deliberation, when I have decided.
I frankly acknowledge to you my convictions, and I will freely lay
before you the reasons on which they are founded. The consciousness
of good intentions disdains ambiguity. I shall not however multiply
professions on this head. My motives must remain in the depository
of my own breast: My arguments will be open to all, and may be
judged of by all. They shall at least be offered in a spirit, which
will not disgrace the cause of truth.
I propose in a series of papers to discuss the following
interesting particulars-The utility of the Union to your political
prosperity-The insufficiency of the present Confederation to
preserve that Union-The necessity of a government at least equally
energetic with the one proposed to the attainment of this
object-The conformity of the proposed constitution to the true
principles of republican government-Its analogy to your own state
constitution-and lastly, The additional security, which its
adoption will afford to the preservation of that species of
government, to liberty and to property.
In the progress of this discussion I shall endeavour to give a
satisfactory answer to all the objections which shall have made
their appearance that may seem to have any claim to your
attention.
It may perhaps be thought superfluous to offer arguments to
prove the utility of the Union, a point, no doubt, deeply engraved
on the hearts of the great body of the people in every state, and
one, which it may be imagined has no adversaries. But the fact is,
that we already hear it whispered in the private circles of those
who oppose the new constitution, that the Thirteen States are of
too great extent for any general system, and that we must of
necessity resort to separate confederacies of distinct portions of
the whole.1 This doctrine will, in all probability, be gradually
propagated, till it has votaries enough to countenance an open
avowal of it. For nothing can be more evident, to those who are
able to take an enlarged view of the subject, than the alternative
of an adoption of the new Constitution, or a dismemberment of the
Union. It will therefore be of use to begin by examining the
advantages of that Union, the certain evils and the probable
dangers, to which every State will be exposed from its dissolution.
This shall accordingly constitute the subject of my next
address.

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Federalist Papers 联邦党人文集美国宪政的基础性文件纲领当当网5星级英文学习产品下载

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