美国报业与社会——民主进程、自由界定及司法判例pdf/txt下载_在线阅读全文

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　　《美国报业与社会：民主进程、自由界定及司法判例》从媒介社会学的视角，深入考察了美国新闻业“客观性”理念诞生和发展的历史。作者将报业的发展置于美国近现代社会史的宏阔框架之内，深刻地揭示了政治、经济、文化和技术结构对新闻业和传播理念的建构过程。作者跳出传统新闻史研究囿于描述性或阐释性的窠臼，开创了美国新闻史研究的社会科学流派。

作者简介

　　He Wenfa， Ph.D.，An associate professor of Communication University of China， a supervisor of M.A.candidates of cross-cultural communication，and a visiting scholar of University at Buffalo， The State University of New York. His previous books mainly include On Emergencies and
　　Reporting；from Arrogance to Politeness-Images of China Reflected on
　　Foreign Mainstream Media；Why Democracies Need an Unlovable Press（Chinese version translator.
　　
　　Li Yehui， Ph.D.， An Associate professor of Communication University of China， and an academic visitor of University of Westminster in London from 2011-2012. She devotes herself to research about Gender and Communication， English-teaching，and Journalism-studies.She has participated in writing several books，teaching materials，and some papers published in periodicals. She is the dean of the department of College-English-Teaching of her University.

目　　录

Introduction

ChapterⅠ The Press in the Colonial Years（-1765）
ChapterⅡ The Press and the Independent Revolution（1765-1783）
ChapterⅢ The Constitution and the Bill of Rights（1783-1791）
ChapterⅣ The Beginning of Partisan Newspaper（1787-1800）
ChapterⅤ Mass Democracy and Changes on journalism（1800-1833）
ChapterⅥ Westward Movement and the Penny Press（1833-1860）
ChapterⅦ The Civil War Press and the 14thAmendment（1861-1880）
ChapterⅧ Yellow Journalism in Gilded Age（1880s-1910s）
ChapterⅨ Muck-racking journalism in ProgressiveMovement（1890s-1920s）
ChapterⅩ Objective（Professional）Journalism（1920-1945）
ChapterⅩⅠ Judicial Cases by the Supreme Court（1907-1954）
ChapterⅩⅡ The Press in the Cold War（1945-1954）

Introduction 
 
ChapterⅠ The Press in the Colonial Years（-1765） 
ChapterⅡ The Press and the Independent Revolution（1765-1783） 
ChapterⅢ The Constitution and the Bill of Rights（1783-1791） 
ChapterⅣ The Beginning of Partisan Newspaper（1787-1800） 
ChapterⅤ Mass Democracy and Changes on journalism（1800-1833） 
ChapterⅥ Westward Movement and the Penny Press（1833-1860） 
ChapterⅦ The Civil War Press and the 14th
Amendment（1861-1880） 
ChapterⅧ Yellow Journalism in Gilded Age（1880s-1910s） 
ChapterⅨ Muck-racking journalism in Progressive
Movement（1890s-1920s） 
ChapterⅩ Objective（Professional）Journalism（1920-1945） 
ChapterⅩⅠ Judicial Cases by the Supreme Court（1907-1954） 
ChapterⅩⅡ The Press in the Cold War（1945-1954） 
ChapterⅩⅢ Civil Rights Movement（1954-1960s） 
ChapterⅩⅣ Judicial Cases by the Supreme Court（1964-1989） 
 
Appendix 1 The Referenced Framework of Researching American
Press 
Appendix 2 Basic Framework on Modern Philosophic Ideas 
Appendix 3 Media Market and Public Sphere 
Appendix 4 Classical Liberalism, Social Liberalism and
Neo-Liberalism 
Appendix 5 Equal-time Rule and Fairness Doctrine 
Appendix 6 The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere 
Appendix 7 Library of Court Decisions for Freedom of Speech and
Press 
Appendix 8 Basic Readings in U. S. Democracy 
 
Bibliography

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　　4. Henry St.John，1st Viscount Bolingbroke
　　Henry St.John，1st Viscount Bolingbroke（1678-1751）was an Englishpolitician， government official and political philosopher. He was aleader of the Tories， and supported the Church of Englandpolitically despite his atheism. In 1715 he supported the Jacobiterebellion of1715 which sought to overthrow the new king George I.Escaping to France he became foreign minister for the Pretender. Hewas attainted for treason， but reversed course and was allowed toreturn to England in 1723. He is best known as the philosopher ofthe Country Party.
　　Bolingbroke was especially influential in stating the need andoutlining the machinery of a systematic parliamentary opposition.Such an opposition he called a“country party” which he opposed tothe court party. Country parties had been formed before， forinstance after the king's speech to Parliament in November 1685，butBolingbroke was the first to state the need for a continualopposition to the government. To his mind the spirit of liberty wasthreatened by the court party's lust for power.
　　Liberty could only be safeguarded by an opposition party thatused“constitutional methods and a legal course of opposition to theexcesses of legal and ministerial power. . .“（Bolingbroke， On. theIdea of a Patriot King）.He instructed the opposition party to”Wrest the power of government， if you can， out of the hands thatemployed it weakly and wickedly“（Bolingbroke， On the Spirit ofPatriotism）...This work could be done only by a homogeneous party”.. . because such a party alone will submint to a drudgery of thiskind“（On the idea of a Patriot King）.It didn't suffice to be eagerto speak， keen to act.“They who affect to head an opposition. . .must be equal， at least， to those whom they oppose. . .”（On theSpirit of Patriotism）.The opposition had to be of a permanentnature to make sure that it would be looked at as a part of dailypolitics.lt had to contrast， on every occasion， the government （Onthe Spirit of Patriotism）.He considered a party that systematicallyopposed the government to be more appealing than a party thatoccasionally opposed the government（On the Spirit ofPatriotism）.This opposition had to prepare itself to controlgovernment（On the Spirit of Patriotism）.

4. Henry St.John，1st Viscount Bolingbroke 
　　Henry St.John，1st Viscount Bolingbroke（1678-1751）was an English
politician， government official and political philosopher. He was a
leader of the Tories， and supported the Church of England
politically despite his atheism. In 1715 he supported the Jacobite
rebellion of1715 which sought to overthrow the new king George I.
Escaping to France he became foreign minister for the Pretender. He
was attainted for treason， but reversed course and was allowed to
return to England in 1723. He is best known as the philosopher of
the Country Party. 
　　Bolingbroke was especially influential in stating the need and
outlining the machinery of a systematic parliamentary opposition.
Such an opposition he called a“country party” which he opposed to
the court party. Country parties had been formed before， for
instance after the king's speech to Parliament in November 1685，but
Bolingbroke was the first to state the need for a continual
opposition to the government. To his mind the spirit of liberty was
threatened by the court party's lust for power. 
　　Liberty could only be safeguarded by an opposition party that
used“constitutional methods and a legal course of opposition to the
excesses of legal and ministerial power. . .“（Bolingbroke， On. the
Idea of a Patriot King）.He instructed the opposition party to”
Wrest the power of government， if you can， out of the hands that
employed it weakly and wickedly“（Bolingbroke， On the Spirit of
Patriotism）...This work could be done only by a homogeneous party”.
. . because such a party alone will submint to a drudgery of this
kind“（On the idea of a Patriot King）.It didn't suffice to be eager
to speak， keen to act.“They who affect to head an opposition. . .
must be equal， at least， to those whom they oppose. . .”（On the
Spirit of Patriotism）.The opposition had to be of a permanent
nature to make sure that it would be looked at as a part of daily
politics.lt had to contrast， on every occasion， the government （On
the Spirit of Patriotism）.He considered a party that systematically
opposed the government to be more appealing than a party that
occasionally opposed the government（On the Spirit of
Patriotism）.This opposition had to prepare itself to control
government（On the Spirit of Patriotism）. 
　　In the late 20th century， Bolingbroke was rediscovered by
historians as a major influence on Voltaire， and on the American
patriots John Adams， Thomas Jefferson and James Madison. Adams said
that he had read all of Bolingbroke's works at least five times;
indeed， Bolingbroke's works were widely read in the American
colonies， where they helped provide the foundation for the emerging
nation's devotion to republicanism in the United States. His vision
of history as cycles of birth， growth， decline and death of a
republic was influential in the colonies， as was his contention on
liberty： that one is“free not from the law， but by the law.” 
　　5. James Burgh 
　　James Burgh （1714-1775） was a British Whig politician whose book
Political Disquisitions set out 
　　an early case for free speech and universal suffrage： In it， he
writes， “ All awful authority， legislative ，and executive，
originates from the people.”He has been judged“one of England's
foremost propagandists for radical reform”.In 1774，Burgh wrote his
most popular work， Political Disquisitions. The threevolume work
was intended by Burgh to be longer， but his deteriorating health
caused him to stop after the third volume. Burgh died a year later
in 1775. Of the three volumes of Political Disquisitions， the third
is the most widely referenced. The book was inspired by the radical
reform movement of the time， and includes many of Burgh's feelings
on social， religious， political and educational reforms. Burgh also
includes many other authors in the book， with the strongest
influence being that of John Locke. 
　　……

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美国报业与社会——民主进程、自由界定及司法判例下载

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